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Edmund Burke: The First Conservative Paperback – April 28, 2015

4.4 4.4 out of 5 stars 344 ratings

A provocative biography of Edmund Burke, the underappreciated founder of modern conservatism




Edmund Burke is both the greatest and the most underrated political thinker of the past three hundred years. A brilliant 18th-century Irish philosopher and statesman, Burke was a fierce champion of human rights and the Anglo-American constitutional tradition, and a lifelong campaigner against arbitrary power. Once revered by an array of great Americans including Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, Burke has been almost forgotten in recent years. But as politician and political philosopher Jesse Norman argues in this penetrating biography, we cannot understand modern politics without him.




As Norman reveals, Burke was often ahead of his time, anticipating the abolition of slavery and arguing for free markets, equality for Catholics in Ireland, responsible government in India, and more. He was not always popular in his own lifetime, but his ideas about power, community, and civic virtue have endured long past his death. Indeed, Burke engaged with many of the same issues politicians face today, including the rise of ideological extremism, the loss of social cohesion, the dangers of the corporate state, and the effects of revolution on societies. He offers us now a compelling critique of liberal individualism, and a vision of society based not on a self-interested agreement among individuals, but rather on an enduring covenant between generations.




Burke won admirers in the American colonies for recognizing their fierce spirit of liberty and for speaking out against British oppression, but his greatest triumph was seeing through the utopian aura of the French Revolution. In repudiating that revolution, Burke laid the basis for much of the robust conservative ideology that remains with us to this day: one that is adaptable and forward-thinking, but also mindful of the debt we owe to past generations and our duty to preserve and uphold the institutions we have inherited. He is the first conservative.




A rich, accessible, and provocative biography, Edmund Burke describes Burke's life and achievements alongside his momentous legacy, showing how Burke's analytical mind and deep capacity for empathy made him such a vital thinker-both for his own age, and for ours.thread on pub day of what people at basic like about it (editors)





"You won't find a more impressive political philosopher than the 18th-century MP who more or less invented Anglosphere conservatism. And you won't find a pithier, more readable treatise on his life and works than this one." --Wall Street Journal
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Editorial Reviews

Review

"A must-read for anyone interested in politics and history.... Superb."―Matthew D?Ancona, Sunday Telegraph

"A top-notch introduction to Burke and his paternity of political systems throughout the Western Hemisphere."―
Kirkus Reviews (starred review)

"You won't find a more impressive political philosopher than the eighteenth-century MP who more or less invented Anglosphere conservatism. And you won't find a pithier, more readable treatise on his life and works than this one."―
Wall Street Journal

"An engaging, highly readable, and impressively comprehensive overview. [
Edmund Burke] handles the intricacies of English history and politics with great mastery and conveys Burke's character and personality as few of his biographers have managed to do."―National Review

"A superb new biography.... Jesse Norman succeeds in elevating his subject, showing what is conservative about Burke, and why he matters today."―
Financial Times

An outstanding biography."―
Commentary

"A lucid and thrilling exposition of [Burke's] political philosophy.... The second part of the book is pure brilliance, a refreshingly candid and discursive examination of Burke's philosophy, and how the West might be wise to readopt it."―
Washington Times

"A superb new biography.... Norman makes a strong case for Burke's continuing relevance.... Norman succeeds in bringing Burke to life and championing his thought."―
American Spectator

"Norman Burke's biography ought to be one of the hot books for the right over the next year. Like Burke, Norman is a philosopher as well as a politician. He offers a brisk and engaging introduction to the iconic thinker's life and thought."―
E.J. Dionne, Washington Post

"A Conservative NP himself, Norman has been tipped as a future prime minister--but this stimulating book suggests that he may well have an alternative career as a writer instead."―
Sunday Business Post Historical Epics Round-Up (UK)

"Norman has a knack for presenting in clear and cogent terms notions taken from political theory, philosophy, and the social sciences."―
Los Angeles Review of Books

"Norman finds just the right balance between fact-paced storytelling and gripping historical detail, and he shines a light both on Burke's great strengths as a thinker, writer, and orator and on his great weaknesses."―
National Review

"Not since Cicero had a major political thinker been a practicing politician in the center of the arena. So it is refreshingly welcome to have Burke reassessed today by another politician.... Norman boldly summarizes Burke's thought for our time."―
New Criterion

"A scintillating book.... Norman's erudition and rebellious streak...has led to chatter about his potential as a Tory leader. He has something of Polonius about him. Just as with an earlier pamphlet called
The Big Society, he has now, under the guise of history, articulated much of what our government stands for."―Evening Standard (UK)

"An excellent book, which unites biographical and political insights. The best short biography of Burke for nearly fifty years, and a pleasure to read."―
Harvey Mansfield, William R. Kenan, Jr. Professor of Government, Harvard University

"Jesse Norman has brought back Burke in triumph. Anyone who cares about politics will pounce on this book and devour it, as I did, in a sitting. A stunning performance."―
Boris Johnson, former Mayor of London

About the Author

Jesse Norman, MP, studied at Oxford University and took his master's and doctorate in philosophy from University College London. He has been an honorary fellow at UCL, a governor of the UK National Institute of Economic and Social Research, and a visiting fellow at All Souls College, Oxford. His previous books include the widely acclaimed Edmund Burke: The First Conservative.

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Basic Books; Reprint edition (April 28, 2015)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Paperback ‏ : ‎ 336 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0465062938
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0465062935
  • Reading age ‏ : ‎ 13 years and up
  • Grade level ‏ : ‎ 8 and up
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 12 ounces
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.5 x 0.75 x 8.13 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.4 4.4 out of 5 stars 344 ratings

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Jesse Norman
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Jesse Norman is the MP for Hereford and South Herefordshire. As Financial Secretary to the Treasury from 2019 to 2021, he managed the UK furlough scheme and other pandemic support measures. He was made a Privy Councillor in 2019.

Before entering politics Jesse worked in the charitable sector and was a director at Barclays, among other things. He was educated at Oxford University (MA) and did an MPhil and PhD in philosophy at UCL. He is an honorary research fellow at the University of St Andrews and a fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.

Jesse is the author or editor of various works of political philosophy, and of acclaimed biographies of Edmund Burke and Adam Smith. An enthusiastic cyclist, hillwalker, wild swimmer and amateur jazz trumpeter, he is married to Kate Bingham and they have three children. The Winding Stair is his first novel.

www.jessenorman.com

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Customers find the book insightful and informative. They describe it as a worthwhile read if you are interested in political history. The writing quality is described as fine and balanced. Readers appreciate the analysis of Edmund Burke's life and work, and their positive views on his personality.

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27 customers mention "Insight"27 positive0 negative

Customers find the book insightful and well-researched. It provides a good overview of Burke's writing and political thought. They describe it as an excellent biography that debunks longstanding canards against Burke. The book is described as an ideological primer for all people.

"...The book provides a good overview of Burke's career and political philosophy. It is also easy to read...." Read more

"...Pros: This book presents a balanced view of Burke. It depicts him as a man of integrity, intellect, and honor, but it is no panegyric...." Read more

"...(while loving "the little platoon we belong to"), this book is instructive and relevant today...." Read more

"...The second part of the book focusing on thought is quite engrossing and gives a complete outline of many of Burke's ideas which can be recognized in..." Read more

25 customers mention "Readability"25 positive0 negative

Customers find the book engaging and worthwhile for those interested in political history. They describe it as a well-written, thoughtful read with some pages worth contemplating. Readers also mention the book is informative and delightful.

"...I enjoyed the book." Read more

"...It's a short thoughtful read, but some pages are worth a day's contemplation, making it all the more enjoyable...." Read more

"...I recommend this book as an historical and philosophical book worth of your time." Read more

"...A worthwhile read if you are interested in the political history and thought of late 18th century Britain, or are a conservative looking to read..." Read more

19 customers mention "Writing quality"16 positive3 negative

Customers find the book's writing quality good. They appreciate the balanced narrative and Burke's written thought. The book is concise, divided into two sections, Life and Thought. Readers say it's a thoughtful, deeply researched, and brilliantly written homage. The author is uniquely equipped to write it, having both top-flight academic and political experience.

"...However, he left behind a large volume of written thought, and that is where Norman mines his story...." Read more

"...high office, he was in the Parliament for a long time, wrote several important papers, and laid down something of a bedrock for the concept of a..." Read more

"...The author is uniquely equipped to write it, for he has both top-flight academic training and has served as a member of the British parliament..." Read more

"...and so stretches his applications, but generally writes a pretty balanced narative...." Read more

8 customers mention "Personality"8 positive0 negative

Customers find the book interesting and insightful. They describe Burke as a brilliant politician and philosopher from the late 1700s. The author depicts him as an honest, dedicated man with integrity and honor.

"...Pros: This book presents a balanced view of Burke. It depicts him as a man of integrity, intellect, and honor, but it is no panegyric...." Read more

"...and voluminous, but the power of his intellect and personality justify the effort...." Read more

"...His comparison to Jefferson was also interesting and his ability to bring in de Tocqueville, Aristotle, Plato and others informative...." Read more

"...- a chronological review of Burke’s life and a more subjective interpretation of his life and work...." Read more

Top reviews from the United States

  • Reviewed in the United States on June 17, 2019
    Edmund Burke was a British politician and a Member of Parliament (MP) from 1765-94. The book was written by Jesse Norman a British MP. Norman argues that Burke was a conservative in the modern sense. However, British conservatives are different from American conservatives. Margaret Thatcher believed in universal healthcare. The book provides a good overview of Burke's career and political philosophy. It is also easy to read.

    Edmund Burke (1729-1797) was born in Dublin, his father was a successful lawyer. In 1750 Burke moved to London after graduating from Trinity College, Dublin. He initially studied law but gave it up to become a writer. Burke entered parliament in 1765 and was viewed as a great orator. His maiden speech was praised by the prime minister, William Pitt. He impressed other great minds of his time, like Samuel Johnson and Adam Smith. Burke became a public intellectual and gave his opinions on the great issues of the day.

    The book is divided into two parts. The first is biographical. The second examines Burke’s political philosophy. Norman tends to make exaggerated claims for Burke. He writes that “Edmund Burke is both the greatest and most underrated political thinker of the past 300 years.” Burke was a maverick who never became a cabinet minister. He would often disagree with the leaders of his own party. Norman admits that Burke's political career, with only two years holding public office, "was largely one of failure."

    Burke was a member of the Whig party, which later morphed into the Liberal party. The conservative party of Burke's day was called the Tory party. Until the 20th century, Burke was considered a liberal. Burke believed that politicians should help the whole of society including the poor. He believed in the common good, public service, and public duty. He believed in tradition and that a social contract existed between the dead, the living and those not yet born.

    Burke quickly established a reputation as an expert on economics, and he was the first great English parliamentarian to preach free trade. He described Adam Smith's “The Wealth of Nations” as “perhaps the most important book ever written.” Burke and Smith were friends and they agreed on economic policy. Burke believed that religion was the foundation of civil society. He was an Anglican who criticized deism and atheism and emphasized Christianity as a vehicle of social progress.

    Burke detested the abuse of power. He defended the American revolution because he believed the Americans were getting a raw deal. He was opposed to British imperialism in Ireland and India. He didn’t believe in military adventures overseas. He opposed the oppression of Catholics in Ireland, his mother was a Catholic. He tried to impeach Warren Hastings the governor-general of Bengal who worked for the British East India Company. Burke criticized the company's greed and its exploitation of the Indian people. He also criticized the slave trade, capital punishment, and the opium trade.

    Burke did not believe that everybody should have the vote because the government of the country required a degree of education that the common people of his day lacked. He believed that ordinary people could be exploited by demagogues and led astray. This could lead to violence and the oppression of unpopular minorities. The Founding Fathers shared similar fears. The U.S. Constitution contains elaborate checks and balances to prevent the majority from oppressing the minority. Wealthy American landowners feared the mob. The universal franchise was not introduced immediately. In 1789, voting was restricted to property-owning or tax-paying white males. This group represented about 6% of the population.

    Burke was horrified by the French Revolution and the anarchy brought about by mob rule. His pamphlet “Reflections on the Revolution in France” criticized the revolution’s methods and goals. It is also a defense of traditional life. Their great error, he argued, was to think that one could overhaul the social order according to the dictates of reason and abstract values like equality or liberty. Burke anticipated the "reign of terror" and the rule of a dictator like Robespierre. Many aristocrats, including the French king and queen, were publicly executed. The mob turned on Robespierre and he was executed in 1794. Napoleon Bonaparte became a despot in 1799 and tried to spread France's revolutionary ideals across Europe through warfare. Europe was at war until Napoleon was imprisoned in 1815.

    Burke believed in parliamentary sovereignty. He distrusted the will of the people. He believed MPs were meant to act in the national interest. He opposed the notion that elected officials should merely be delegates. He believed that MPs were entitled to impose their own superior opinions on voters.

    A similar debate is playing out in Britain today over Brexit. The people voted for Brexit in a referendum and MPs have been trying to ignore the result, supposedly in the national interest. Ironically, the MPs who invoke Burke to justify their opposition to Brexit, forget that he believed in the nation-state. He would have opposed the EU because “a project which ultimately seeks to abolish national allegiances and identities is likely to fail.” A similar debate is playing out across the West with voters becoming disillusioned with political parties who increasingly ignore their views, supposedly in the national interest. This dissatisfaction has manifested itself in the rise of populism.

    Much of Burke’s political philosophy is still relevant today. People are better educated today than they were in the 18th century so perhaps they don’t need politicians to interpret their best interests. I enjoyed the book.
    14 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on June 24, 2014
    Summary: This book is divided into two parts. The first part concerns Burke's life, and the last part discusses his ideas. The author begins with a brief description of Burke's ancestors and the Ireland in which he was born. Burke's father was distant yet one who invested much of his resources for his son's benefit. The elder Burke was a lawyer and wanted his son to enter the profession, but Edmund had no passion for legal study or practice. However, he did have a passion for ideas, writing, and the rule of law. Among his early publications was a pamphlet on the nature of beauty. Rather than enter the legal profession, Edmund went in to politics and was elected to the House of Commons. From the beginning, he displayed his independent nature by giving many speeches on controversial topics, such as advocating for the rights of the American colonists. Once elected to represent Bristol, right out of the gate he broke with convention by stating in his inaugural speech that he would not be beholden to the wishes of his constituents; rather, he would vote based on his own reasoning. These were not mere words either, as proven by his refusal to follow his constituents' wishes with regard to liberalizing trade with Ireland--a steadfastness that cost him his job. Edmund set himself apart from others in Parliament by writing and speaking of ideas and principles rather than engaging in base partisan bickering. In fact, he was one of the first to distinguish between a political faction and a political party, advocating the party over the faction as it was the party that was united by principle, whereas the faction was kept together by nothing more than political interest. Burke's character was also marked by bravery, as shown when in Bristol he stood his ground against the mob that threatened him with physical harm.

    The last part of the book, which talks about Burke's ideas, begins by refuting the argument that Burke was nothing more than a lackey for the aristocrats and powerful. In the objective and reasoned manner found throughout the book's first part, the author acknowledges that Burke did receive patronage from those whom he lauded and from people in positions he promoted. However, the author proves that Burke's ideas flowed from his heart rather than mean self-interest, by showing that Burke held them years before he'd received patronage. Having established Burke's independence of mind, the book then contrasts his vision of society with those of Rousseau, Locke, Hobbes, and Bentham. Burke's liberalism was not of the individualistic sort; rather, he considered tradition and social institutions essential to man's well being. Though Burke supported a handful of rebellions, such as that of the American colonists against the British, he only supported them when the goal of the rebellion was not annihilation of tradition and culture, but rather the restoration and furtherance of what was good in that culture. This explains why Burke was against the French revolution--the French revolutionaries wanted to completely replace their culture and traditions with new principles based on vague slogans untethered to reality.

    Pros: This book presents a balanced view of Burke. It depicts him as a man of integrity, intellect, and honor, but it is no panegyric. For instance, it is candid about Burke's long-winded and sometimes too-emotional speeches, his permitting of politics to destroy friendship (as between him and Mr. Fox), and his debts. By so clearly articulating Burke's thought, the book shows the perennial clash between "conservatives" (i.e., Old Whigs) who understand the value of tradition as a collection of human wisdom accumulated through the ages, and "progressives" (i.e., Jacobins) who, as Burke said, "rashly meddl[e] with what they do not understand." (See also "A Conflict of Visions," by Thomas Sowell.) The author shows keen perception toward the end in describing how Burke's thought is relevant today, especially regarding Burke's belief in slow government reluctant to make drastic change; a government populated by leaders who try to understand the culture of the people and form policies according to that culture rather than according to abstract ideology.

    Cons: The book seems to assume that the reader is knowledgeable about the procedures of British government. A reader who isn't so knowledgeable may find some passages regarding this subject difficult to understand. The paragraph on the events leading up to and the cause of the French Revolution is so cursory as to be almost superfluous. Also, the author's analysis of the highly debatable causes of some of our modern-day crises tends to be conclusory. For example, he blames the financial crisis of last decade on deregulation of markets, though there are strong arguments supporting the conclusion that the crisis was actually caused by government regulation. The word "conservative" as a description of Burke is questionable. Burke might be better described as a classical liberal. The author addresses this toward the end, but conflates "classical liberal" with "libertarian." Many consider the definitions of these terms to be quite distinct. (See, e.g., "The Classical Liberal Constitution," by Richard Epstein.) Further, in that same section, the author fails to contrast "liberalism" as it was meant in decades and centuries past with the modern western notion of liberalism, which is decidedly statist and unsupporting of liberty for the individual.
    5 people found this helpful
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Top reviews from other countries

  • Book lover
    4.0 out of 5 stars The cover quality is very poor
    Reviewed in India on July 31, 2022
    The book is good content wise but the quality of the cover of very poor
  • peter j veale
    5.0 out of 5 stars fast service
    Reviewed in France on September 5, 2018
    Product in perfect order, as described
  • C. E. Utley
    5.0 out of 5 stars The first conservative?
    Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 25, 2013
    Constituency Conservative Associations charged with the duty of selecting parliamentary candidates used to be given a leaflet, by Conservative Central Office, explaining how they should approach their task. It opened with those famous words from Edmund Burke's speech to the electors of Bristol: "Your representative owes you not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion". I was saddened to be told, a few years ago, that the Conservative Party had decided to drop those wise words from its advice to constituencies. Perhaps it is right, as Mr Norman maintains in this short but excellent book, that Burke is neglected by modern politicians and writers. If that is so, Norman's book will, I hope, go some way to teaching those politicians the error of their ways.

    Mr Norman is, himself, a politician. He is a Conservative MP. It speaks volumes for the way in which we think of our political representatives that it came as a considerable, though very welcome, surprise to discover that there is at least one MP in the present House of Commons who has carefully studied the speeches and writings of, arguably, the most influential conservative thinker we have ever had.

    On reflection, I am probably being dreadfully unfair to a great many MPs in thinking they are all ignorant of history in general and of Burke in particular. These days, as a result, ironically, of the strength of the party system which Burke did so much to create, backbench MPs have practically no opportunity to develop any ideas or arguments in speeches to the House of Commons. Burke frequently addressed the House (as a backbencher which he was for most of his political career) for several hours at a time. Today, because party whips insist (with the support of the Speaker) that debate in the chamber should be kept to the minimum, backbenchers are usually instructed to speak for no longer than ten minutes. It is, perhaps, not surprising that they do not feel able to devote any of that limited time to an explanation of why they have come to the views they are expressing. It could well be, were proper debate ever to be permitted again in Parliament, that we would hear many speeches from MPs drawing on their understanding of the words of the great thinkers of the past. Sadly, at least for the present, that is not permitted. As a result, MPs tend to be seen as opinionated ignoramuses motivated only by self-interest (though, as Mr Norman points out, there is nothing new in MPs being thought of, often unfairly, as being only self-interested).

    Norman divides his book into two parts. The first half is in the form of a biography of Burke. The second contains an analysis of his thinking. The biographical part, though necessarily quite short, makes fascinating reading. It is not restricted to a dry account of what Burke did and when. There are many reflections on his ideas and opinions to be gleaned from his most famous writings and speeches. And, in particular, Norman goes a long way to laying one awful ghost to rest. In his own time, and over the hundreds of years which have since passed, Burke has been accused of having been nothing more than the mouthpiece of those who gave him (or might give him) financial support. Of course, politicians of all parties will always be quick to attack their opponents' perceived motives rather than to tackle the arguments themselves. Burke was a politician and would therefore have expected that those who disagreed with him would occasionally resort to slander when unable to answer his arguments. But later commentators can't really be excused for doing the same. That the charge they make against Burke is plainly untrue is clear to anyone who actually bothers to read his words. But many won't and Mr Norman is to be congratulated on his entirely persuasive explanation as to why the slanderers' allegations should be dismissed out of hand.

    Even in the first part of the book Norman does sometimes betray the fact that he is a creature of his times. Even though, for instance, he acknowledges that, in the late 17th century, MPs tended not to visit their constituencies very much, he seems to be shocked that, in six years of representing Bristol in the House of Commons, Burke only visited the city twice. Norman's view that, had Burke been more assiduous in nursing his constituency, he might not have been thrown out by the merchants of Bristol is, I suspect, nonsense. Their complaint against him was not the modern one (that he should have devoted most of his time to being a social worker for his constituents), it was that they thought his policies (particularly his desire for free trade with Ireland) would lead to their businesses suffering. They would have felt exactly the same if he had spent every weekend in Bristol. And they would certainly have thought him as mad as a hatter if he had wandered round the city, in the manner of a 21st century MP, seeking to sort out his constituents' housing problems.

    The second part of the book is not quite so readable as the first. That is not to say it is not worth reading. It has much to tell us, in particular about why we can still benefit from Burke's wisdom. But it does have two faults. First, despite Norman having spent many pages explaining why the "scientific" approach to politics is unreliable, he goes on to devote far too large a chunk of the second part to an analysis of modern studies by social scientists which, he maintains, prove Burke was right in his approach to society and politics. The argument is not a compelling one. The reader is left with the uncomfortable feeling that anti-Burkeians would have no difficulty in finding other studies by other social scientists which would "prove" that Burke was wrong.

    Second, though this is not such a serious charge, Norman has attempted, as all politicians are inclined to do, to claim the posthumous support of a dead politician for his own current policies, or to explain why that dead politician, had he been alive now, would have argued against policies of which the author disapproves. I say this charge is not a serious one because, sensibly, Norman has been fairly general in his choice of modern policies to which he thinks Burke would have taken objection or which he reckons Burke would have supported. That said, I am not sure any of us can really say, for instance, how Burke would have approached the break up of the Soviet Union or the Iraq or Afghan conflicts. We are on safer ground in looking at the EU. We can be confident that Burke would have been deeply opposed to it, representing, as it does, a major attack on Parliamentary sovereignty undertaken with no thought being given to the loss of national loyalties and institutions. Indeed, there are many more "reforms" of modern times which we can be sure Burke would have hated and which Norman does not even mention. One thinks of the so-called "reform" of the House of Lords, leading to its becoming no more than a chamber packed with placemen and women appointed in order to support the major political parties. One thinks of the pointless abolition of the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords and its replacement with the Supreme Court, undertaken for the sole purpose of trying to look "modern". Above all, one thinks of the Human Rights Act (indeed, of the Convention itself). Burke must be turning in his grave as he sees modern British judges applying abstract theories of human rights instead of sound common law principles.

    But Norman does not look at policies of that sort. Maybe he has a slight worry that the Conservative whips (or those of them who are vaguely literate) will read his book and try to spot "incorrect" thinking. And it is here that one wonders whether it is really right that Burke would have been happy with the modern party system which Norman credits him with having invented. My own suspicion is that, just as Burke identified the Crown as being too powerful in George III's time, he would now be looking desperately for ways to rein in the political parties. What he wanted was a system of government which balanced the interests of Crown, Lords and Commons. What we now have is a system of government which, in most times, gives all power to one party. Yes, as Norman rightly says, parties are essential for modern politics. But they have gone much further than Burke could ever have wanted them to. Just imagine how he would have reacted to being told by the Speaker of the House of Commons (at the instigation of the party whips) that he should limit all his speeches to ten minutes!

    It is not possible to do justice to a book as splendid as this one is in such a short review. What you must do is buy and read it.

    Charles
  • WILLIAM MORE
    3.0 out of 5 stars Homo Politicus
    Reviewed in Australia on July 9, 2015
    The author takes a narrower political interest in Burke, than Yural Levin in the Great Debate, but inevitably involves the strife with Paine. He is,however, concerned with the evolution of political parties, as befits a politician. There does seem to be a bit of overproduction in the division of the book into the Life and the Politics of Burke as the one was very much the other.
  • David Finn
    4.0 out of 5 stars The Relevance of Burke Today
    Reviewed in the United Kingdom on November 17, 2013
    This book is an apology for Burke as in the greek root of the word meaning In defence of. Its divided into two parts dealing with his life and ideas. Jesse Norman attempts in this book to show the relevance of Burke by distinguishing between liberal individualism &conservativism's liberty through order. The bio deals with Burkes opinions on natural law, empire, govt, tolerance, justice & what influenced him on these issues. It is also interspersed with anecdotes about the era including why members of parliament face each other etc. The second half of the book deals critically with Burkes ideas & is filled with quotes from likes of Gladstone & Churchill on him. There is very litlle of Burkes own speeches qouted in these pages so you need to purchase another work on Burkes speeches in addition to this one. Norman discusses Burkes ideas on the superiorty of custom, habit & manners over reason & the importance of institutions among other ideas. Jesse Norman concludes by putting Burke forward as an aid in dealing with crises of atomised individuals in liberalism & the reducing people to role of mere consumers in the neoliberal economic view of the world. Essentially he opposes one size fits all theory regarding society & believes burke will be essential in helping us rebuild our increasingly atomised societies. It is well worth a read but needs to be buttressed with other works like David Bromwiches Liberty , Empire & Reform & Conor Cruise O'Briens Great Melody