Tsar Nicholas II (reign 1894-1917) was the last of the Romanov emperors, murdered along with his family during the turmoil of the Russian Revolution in 1917. Insisting on maintaining as far as possible the autocratic rule begun by his ancestors, Nicholas failed to address the grievances of his subjects, and with him fell the Russian Empire.
Only just surviving the Russian Revolution of 1905, Nicholas refused to heed the warning signs of a state-wide uprising that involved disgruntled peasantry, ignored workers, the disenchanted middle classes, and reform-seeking liberals. The tsar's legitimacy to rule was further brought into question following unsavoury and persistent rumours about just how much influence the odd self-proclaimed holy man Grigori Rasputin (1869-1916) had on the royal family and politics, and by the tsar's unwise decision to take personal command of the army in the disastrous First World War (1914-18). Obliged to abdicate, the tsar and his family were shot on the orders of the Bolshevik revolutionary and leader of Soviet Russia, Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924), in case he became a rallying point for pro-royalists during the Russian Civil War (1917-22).
Early Life & Family
Nicholas Alexandrovich Romanov was born on 18 May 1868 in Saint Petersburg. He was born into the Romanov family, which had ruled Russia since 1613. Nicholas was the eldest son of Tsar Alexander III (reign 1881-1894), and so he became the tsarevich or heir to the throne. His doting mother was Empress Maria Feodorovna, the daughter of King Christian IX of Denmark (reign 1863-1906). Nicholas had two younger brothers and two younger sisters. The heir studied a variety of subjects in the Law Faculty of the University of St. Petersburg from 1885 to 1890. In preparation for his reign, Nicholas also spent several years in the army, was educated in religious matters, served on his father's council of ministers, and undertook several tours of the Near East and Asia in 1890 and 1891. Nicholas, like his father, "lived and breathed complacent extreme conservatism" (Service, 9).
Nicholas II became tsar in 1894, following the death of his father on 1 November. His coronation was held on 26 May 1896. The role of tsar (sometimes spelt czar) was one of absolute monarch, and Alexander had played it to the full. Some hoped that Nicholas might be less of an authoritarian, but this was not to be. The new tsar quickly dismissed calls for constitutional change as "senseless dreams" (Brown, 93). Nicholas controlled quite literally every aspect of his subjects' lives, and in return, his people were given his devotion to duty, family devotion, and religious piety. The bond between monarch and subject was regularly reinforced by such community appearances as Easter celebrations and other public rituals involving pomp and circumstance. There was, too, an overwhelming emphasis given to the superiority of Russian subjects compared to non-Russians, of whom there were millions within the Russian Empire. This was a deep flaw in Nicholas' approach to rule, but not as catastrophic a flaw as the one which would ultimately bring his downfall. In Nicholas' world, the tsar simply was the state, but if, for whatever reason, the people (from aristocrats to the lowliest peasants) lost faith in the tsar, then they also lost faith in the state, which could, and actually did, open up the possibility of a regime-changing revolution.
Nicholas married the German princess Alexandra Feodorovna (1872-1918) on 26 November 1884, her title prior to the marriage being Princess Alix of Hesse-Darmstadt. Alexandra was a granddaughter of Queen Victoria (reign 1837-1901). The couple had met when Alexandra, then just 12 years old (and Nicholas was 16), visited Russia for the wedding of her sister to Nicholas' uncle. The couple were attracted to each other, and the young prince gave Alexandra a memento brooch. Next meeting five years later, Nicholas and Alexandra danced, dined, and skated together, and the relationship blossomed. The couple would have four daughters, Olga (born 1895), Tatiana (born 1897), Maria (born 1899), and Anastasia (born 1901), and one son, Alexei (born 1904).
Personality
Nicholas was a slim man of average height and a pale complexion; his one standout feature was his piercing blue eyes. He possessed a certain calm presence. "He engaged in few recreations except hunting in the winter and shooting pheasants in the autumn…he spent at least two hours in daily exercise out of doors – four if he had the chance…The emperor, mild of manner, was tough as old boots. He was indifferent to luxury" (Service, 6). There was "an ascetic aspect in Nicholas's character, and even on winter nights he left the window open" (ibid). A devout Christian, he ate simply and drank very little. He particularly liked the music of Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky (1840-1893). Nicholas was an avid reader, indulging an eclectic taste that ranged from Anton Chekhov (1860-1904) to Arthur Conan Doyle (1859-1930), and he often read these works to his family in the evening.
Nicholas generally receives unflattering appraisals of his character from historians. He has been described as "of retiring disposition and limited imagination" (Shukman, 360). Although he had "great personal charm", his character was "marred by a sensitivity that inhibited him from openly opposing views with which he disagreed" (Wood, 4). This habit of saying one thing and doing another in order to avoid confrontation has led to accusations of the tsar being "downright duplicitous" (Service, 7). This particular character trait also meant he appointed deferential ministers in his government and removed those from his entourage who disagreed with him, actions which further isolated the tsar from the true sentiments of his subjects.
Nicholas, despite his eagerness to be seen as a loving father of the people, often made appalling decisions that revealed his almost total lack of empathy. Right from the off at his coronation, when thousands of people were accidentally crushed to death, the tsar blithely carried on with the celebrations anyway. Nicholas' judgement of the right thing to do in certain situations was influenced by a rather misplaced confidence in his abilities, a situation accentuated by the fact that, through his long reign, few advisors hung around for any length of time, and Nicholas increasingly regarded himself as a ruler tested by time.
The 1905 Revolution
Russia and the states it controlled within its empire experienced great societal changes during the last quarter of the 19th century. A significant growth in the population (300% between 1815 and 1900) led to land shortages amongst the peasantry, which still made up 85% of the total population. Peasants wanted opportunities to buy their own land and complained of high taxes. The economy did not do well in the early years of the 20th century. Russia's army and navy were also suffering embarrassing defeats in the Russo-Japanese War (1904-5). A burgeoning middle class of professionals, intellectuals, and students all called for freedom of speech and association, and a more constitutional monarchy that better represented the needs and interests of the people.
When peaceful protestors on their way to present a petition for reforms to the tsar were massacred outside the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg, opinion quickly swung against the tsar. The massacre became known as Bloody Sunday in 1905, and it led to a series of damaging general strikes and protests by all classes of society. The unrest was so widespread that it became known to history as the Russian Revolution of 1905. Nicholas begrudgingly promised reforms, although his first reaction was to shoot down any protestors using the army. A new representative parliament was formed, which included an elected lower house, the Duma, but Nicholas still kept a grip on government by choosing reactionary ministers and keeping them on a very tight leash. Nicholas could, in any case, veto any new legislation. The tsar also kept absolute control of the military, the state bureaucracy, foreign policy, and the church. Lingering peasant revolts were brutally quashed, and thousands were imprisoned or sentenced to forced labour; troublemaker revolutionaries in the cities were exiled. The tsar, known as ‘Nicholas the Bloody' (Nikolai Krovavy) even before the revolution, vigorously supported ultra-reactionary nationalist and anti-Semitic organisations such as the Union of Russian People, which carried out vicious attacks on Jewish people and other traditional scapegoats.
Reforms were attempted by the prime minister, Pyotr Stolypin (1862-1911), from 1906. The Stolypin Reforms, although well-intentioned, were not wholly successful. Some richer, land-owning peasants (kulaks) were better off, and the economy was doing well as a whole, largely thanks to industrialisation (with consequent massive expansion of the railways, iron, steel, and textile industries), but some groups were still not really any better off than before the 1905 revolution. Land shortage was still a chronic problem. Both poorer peasants and factory workers remained dissatisfied with the government, the continued lack of freedom of movement, and the prohibition of trade unions. Intellectuals and students still wanted better political representation. On the other side, royalists very much wanted the tsar to remain an absolute monarch, and Stolypin was assassinated in 1911 for being a reformer. Communist groups like the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks were divided on policy but did keep the idea of change at the forefront of Russian politics, an arena which was increasingly beset by a malaise only punctuated by regular assassinations of officials by revolutionaries.
Nicholas seemed oblivious to these events, despite the warnings of his advisors and even witnessing firsthand the assassination of Stolypin. Ominously, Nicholas confided to a relative: "I'll never agree to a representative form of government because I consider it harmful to the people whom God has entrusted to me" (Montefiore, 521). Nicholas convinced himself it was his duty to maintain the government system as it was: "I swore at my accession to guard intact the form of government that I received from my father and to hand it on to my successor. Nothing can relieve me of my oath." (Service, 10). Most damaging of all to his own future, the tsar fully believed autocracy was actually the best form of governance.
The Rasputin Rumours
Another area of public opinion the tsar blithely ignored, even if he was made aware of it, was the perception of a strange Siberian called Grigori Rasputin. This self-proclaimed holy man first gained access to the halls of power because he could seemingly bring relief to the tsar's heir, Alexei, who suffered from haemophilia. Rasputin may have had no more real effect than a psychological one of calmness on his patient, but the empress was particularly impressed by Rasputin, and he soon became a seemingly indispensable part of the royal entourage. The problem was that unsavoury rumours soon circulated concerning Rasputin. The ‘holy man' was really a drunk who indulged in sexual activities with anyone he could get his hands on, so the product of the rumour mill went. Scurrilous magazines and less reputable newspapers published unflattering cartoons and speculated on whether Rasputin was having an affair with the empress, something most historians regard as being highly unlikely. Most damaging, perhaps, was speculation of just how much influence Rasputin had on political policies. Certainly, when WWI broke out in 1914, rumours began to circulate that Rasputin and the German empress were working against the interests of the Russian Empire.
Nicholas refused to react to the vicious rumours. The tsar once said of Rasputin: "He is just a good, religious, simple-minded Russian. When in trouble or assailed by doubts, I like to have a talk with him, and invariably feel at peace with myself afterwards" (Hosking, 439). The tsar forbade anyone at court to speak badly of Rasputin. In addition, members of the Orthodox Church who publicly spoke out against Rasputin usually suffered some negative consequences, such as banishment to a remote monastery. Nicholas' loyalty to Raputin would have a high price. As the historian T. Hasegawa notes, "More than anything else, the Rasputin affair contributed to the catastrophic erosion of the autocracy's prestige" (39).
WWI & Abdication
During WWI, Nicholas was exposed as an incompetent war leader, even if he himself had been reluctant to enter this particular conflict. Nicholas' decision to take over as commander-in-chief of the armed forces in September 1915 meant that he became closely associated with Russia's military failures. These failures included calamitous defeats on the battlefield, disastrous logistical incompetence, and the deaths of over 2 million Russian soldiers. WWI also caused further woes for the Russian agricultural sector and economy in general. Perhaps even worse for Nicholas, while he was at the front playing soldier, the government was essentially left under the guidance of the empress, and for many, this really meant Rasputin. Certainly, there was a whirlwind of ministerial sackings and appointments, many of which were paid for, it was said. Royalists saw the damage Rasputin was doing – or, more precisely, the rumours concerning Rasputin were doing – to the reputation of the tsar. One group of royalists hatched a plot to assassinate Rasputin, and his body – beaten and shot – was discovered in a river in early January 1917.
Nicholas was soon to be overthrown for his years of inept rule. As the historian G. L. Freeze summarises:
Military defeat, political incompetence, personal stubbornness, and an adamant refusal to share political power or even consider the question negotiable – all this gradually dispelled the mystique of the Romanov dynasty and even fuelled suspicions that Nicholas and Alexandra were themselves traitors.
(271)
The tsar was obliged to abdicate on 2 March 1917. Nicholas, still unable to understand that he, more than anyone, was responsible for the fall of the Romanov dynasty, noted in his diary: "All around is betrayal, cowardice and deceit!" (Montefiore, 622).
The 1917 Revolution
The Russian Revolution of 1917 (actually two revolutions, one in March and a second in November) began with bread riots in Petrograd (Saint Petersburg) in March 1917 and quickly escalated when troops of the Petrograd garrison joined the rioters. The revolution and the lack of support for the tsar amongst the political elite had forced Nicholas' hand; he also abdicated in the name of his son and heir, Alexei. Not grasping that the Romanovs were about to disappear from history, Nicholas chose his brother to succeed him, Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich (1878-1918), who reigned for just one day as Tsar Michael II, although he was never officially confirmed as such. The Bolsheviks, who established Soviet Russia following a second revolution in November 1917, ensured that the Russian monarchy was effectively abolished. Vladimir Lenin, leader of the Bolsheviks and the new head of the state, negotiated a ceasefire with Germany in December 1917 and formally withdrew Russia from WWI with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, signed on 3 March 1918.
Nicholas might have survived in exile, although it is doubtful if Lenin would have allowed him to leave Russia and stir up opposition to the Bolsheviks. King George V (reign 1910-1936) in Britain was Nicholas' cousin, but he baulked at the idea of hosting the ex-tsar lest his presence stir up a worker revolution there. More importantly than these considerations, Nicholas did not want to leave his homeland. The ex-tsar once stated, "I'd never leave Russia. I love her too much" (Montefiore, 629). Rather, he naively entertained the idea of living a quiet life of retirement in Crimea (where his mother was) or Kostroma, which had historical ties with the Romanovs. Nicholas and his family were effectively placed under house arrest. To the very end, Nicholas convinced himself his fall from power had nothing to do with his own actions, but, rather, he was the victim of a Jewish conspiracy, a nonsensical idea based on fake literature (which Nicholas read avidly) and proven to be so by various official enquiries, including one by Stolypin.
At first, the confinement was bearable; Nicholas ruefully remarked, "for have I not been a prisoner all my life?" (Montefiore, 631). Plans by extremists to assassinate Nicholas and by his supporters to rescue him were foiled by the Bolshevik authorities. In truth, the Bolsheviks were not quite sure what to do with their prisoner. The high-ranking Bolshevik Leon Trotsky (1879-1940) wanted to put the ex-tsar on trial in order to publicly expose his inadequacies and demonstrate why nothing short of a revolution was deemed necessary. The civil war, which followed the November Revolution, though, was going badly for the Bolsheviks, and more drastic action was deemed necessary.
Murder
As the civil war raged and a Czech army of royalist sympathisers neared Ekaterinaburg (Yekaterinburg), where the ex-tsar (now called simply ‘Citizen Romanov'), his wife, and their five children were being held, Lenin ordered their execution. On 17 July 1918, all seven royals were shot, Nicholas first. The ex-tsar, uncomprehending as he confronted his assassin, Yakov Yurovsky, a Bolshevik commissar, uttered his last words: "Lord oh my God!, what is this?" (Montefiore, 4). Yurovsky once stated: "It was left to me the son of a worker to settle the Revolution's score with the Imperial House for centuries of suffering" (Montefiore, 643). The bodies were then secretly buried. DNA testing has confirmed the remains of all seven members of the imperial family.
The ex-tsar's remains and those of his wife and children were eventually interred in the Romanov family tomb in the Saints Peter and Paul Cathedral of Saint Petersburg. In 2000, Nicholas II, his wife, and five children were all made saints by the Russian Orthodox Church.
