The Battle of Brunanburh, fought in the autumn of 937 at an unknown location, saw the English king, Aethelstan (r. 924-939), defeat a coalition of invading armies led by Constantine II of Scotland (r. 900-943) and Olaf Guthfrithson of Dublin (r. 934-939).
The origins of this conflict lay in the breakdown of Britain's established political order, which, since 918, had been divided into three dominant spheres of influence: the English dynasty of Wessex in the south, the Vikings at York, and the Scots in the north. This dynamic collapsed in 927 when Aethelstan conquered York and subdued the rest of northern Britain, effectively bringing the whole of Britain under his own influence. Seeking to free the north from English control, Constantine found a willing ally in Olaf Guthfrithson, the disinherited Viking heir to York. Together, they mustered a formidable coalition of allies intent on crushing English hegemony and restoring York to Viking control.
While Brunanburh's location has been lost to time, contemporaries saw the battle as a vast and beastly clash. The contemporary Anglo-Saxon Chronicle – a collection of annals recorded at the royal court – bemoaned: "Never was there more slaughter on this island" (Livingston, 43). Meanwhile, it was remembered in the Annals of Ulster – a contemporary Irish chronicle – as a "great, lamentable and horrible battle" (Mac Airt & Mac Niocaill, 385). Yet for Aethelstan, Brunanburh was the crowning achievement of his successful reign, legitimising his rule as the first king of a united English realm, and it would ultimately be remembered as one of the great English victories of the Viking Age.
Aethelstan & the House of Wessex
Aethelstan was born in 894, when his grandfather, Alfred the Great (r. 871-899), was at the zenith of his powers. As ruler of the southern Kingdom of Wessex, Alfred won renown amongst his fellow Englishmen for defeating the Vikings in battle and fortifying his kingdom's defences. He and his son, Edward the Elder (r. 899-924), would expand West Saxon power over the Midland Kingdom of Mercia and Danish-held East Anglia. Thus, when Aethelstan came to the throne in 924, he inherited all of England south of the river Humber.
Much like his grandfather, Aethelstan was pious, scholarly, and a capable warrior, having spent his youth fighting the Vikings in the Midlands. One of his first decisions as king in 926 was to seek peace with his greatest rival, the Viking ruler, Sihtric of York (r. 921-927), which was sealed by Sihtric's marriage to Aethelstan's sister and his baptism. Yet, his conversion was insincere; he swiftly renounced Christianity and died the following year.
Sihtric's brother and heir, Guthrith of Dublin (r. 921-934), rushed across the Irish Sea to claim his Yorkshire inheritance. Yet, Aethelstan had made his move first, seizing York and proclaiming himself its new master before Guthrith arrived. With York secured, he now looked further north to extend his hegemony, demanding the submission of several northern kings. Thus, at Eamont Bridge, near Penrith, Cumbria, in the summer of 927, the rulers of Scotland, Strathclyde, and Bamburgh (Northumberland) knelt before the English king, offering him oaths of loyalty and friendship. For good reason, Aethelstan's followers called him "the thunderbolt;" in just three short years, he had brought northern England to heel, making himself the first king of a united England (Foot, 188). Moreover, his supremacy over his Celtic neighbours prompted him to take a new and more ambitious title, "King of all Britain."
Constantine II & the Scots
The Scottish king who knelt before Aethelstan was the crafty and experienced leader Constantine II. His grandfather, Kenneth MacAlpin (r. 848-858), was the first king to unite the Scots, though his less impressive father, King Aed (r. 877-878), was said to have "bequeathed nothing memorable to history" (Anderson, 357). The Scottish throne passed to Constantine in 900, and like Alfred, his victories over the Vikings quickly established his reputation as a warrior-king. From his northern realm, he had eagerly observed the progress of Wessex. The two kingdoms had much in common, and they were initially Christian allies and partners in opposing Viking York. Yet, when Aethelstan took York and demanded Scottish submission, Constantine's world was turned upside down. No longer were the Vikings to be feared most; now, this new English upstart was the chief adversary of the Scots.
Remembered by the English as the "deceitful old one," Constantine proved to be a wily and reluctant vassal (Livingston, 43). In 933, in unknown circumstances, he broke the terms agreed upon at Penrith, renouncing his loyalty to the English. Aethelstan, not one to be defied, returned north to invade Scotland and plundered throughout the northern kingdom before forcing Constantine to renew his fealty. The defeated King of Scots was then hauled south to be triumphantly displayed as Aethelstan's obedient subregulus (under-king), attending royal councils at Buckingham in 934 and Cirencester the following year. Overpowered, humiliated, and seething with resentment, Constantine returned home and vowed never again to be bullied by the English. By himself, he could not hope to challenge Aethelstan. He would find several like-minded potential allies across the British Isles eager to punish the arrogance of the self-proclaimed King of Britain. One of these allies was his neighbour, Owain, King of Strathclyde – a small Brittonic west coast kingdom stretching from the Lake District to the River Clyde – who also had chafed under heavy-handed English rule and sought to restore his kingdom's independence.
Olaf Guthfrithson & the Ivarids
However, the most eager for an anti-English alliance was Olaf Guthfrithson, son of Guthrith of Dublin, who had lost his Yorkshire throne to Aethelstan in 927. His family, the Ivarids – descendants of Ivar the Boneless, one of the great Viking leaders of the period – had long been the scourge of the Christians across the British Isles. Arriving from Scandinavia in the mid-9th century, the Ivarids had carved out an Irish Sea empire, with kingdoms centred upon Dublin, the Isle of Man, and York. The Kingdom of York (Lancashire and Yorkshire) was seized from the Northumbrians (northern English) by Ivar in 866. With its strategic access to both the Irish and the North Sea, it became a key centre for Viking power and trade; thus, its loss to the English was an offence that Olaf could not ignore.
Olaf ascended the Dublin throne in 934, after the death of Guthrith, who was remembered by the Irish as "a most cruel king of the Norsemen," and Olaf proved to be every bit his father's son, spending his early reign attacking the Irish kings and their churches (Mac Airt & Mac Niocaill, 383). After a key victory over his Viking rival, the remarkably named Olaf Scabbyhead of Limerick, in 937, he could now turn his ambitions toward Britain, specifically York, his stolen birthright.
As the preeminent Viking ruler in the British Isles, Olaf could call upon several Scandinavian supporters from the Hebrides Islands and across the Irish coast to support his claim. He also found a natural ally in Constantine. Though the Ivarids had long been rivals of the Scots and were pagans, the two leaders' mutual dislike of Aethelstan was enough to ignore past hatreds. For the Scots, a reinstated Viking York would, after all, be a buffer state between themselves and the English.
The Build-up to Brunanburh
After exchanging envoys in secret and agreeing upon their strategy, in late summer of 937, this great alliance of Britons, Scots, and Vikings invaded the English kingdom, with their fleets and armies meeting at an unknown location in northern England. Aethelstan was unaware of the invasion and entirely unprepared to respond, giving the invaders a free hand to raid nearby villages. Eventually, Aethelstan gathered his forces from the south and the Midlands and marched to confront the intruders, though he would quickly find that their army vastly outnumbered his.
According to the 13th-century Egil's Saga – a semi-legendary account of the adventures of Egil Skallagrimsson, a Viking mercenary who fought for Aethelstan – the English king sought to conceal his inadequate numbers from Olaf's spies. When he set up his battle camp, for every two tents needed, he ordered a third to be built, and when Olaf's envoys arrived for negotiations, Aethelstan commanded his soldiers to stand outside their tents as if they were so numerous that there was no room for them inside.
While awaiting much-needed reinforcements to his army, Aethelstan induced Olaf to engage in peace talks to delay the inevitable battle. He offered the invaders tribute payments to return home, and Olaf earnestly considered the offer, took advice from his councillors, and began an exchange of offers and counteroffers for peace between both camps. He rejected the initial proposal, expecting a higher second offer, and repeated this strategy when the next offer arrived. The English were so desperate for peace, Olaf thought, that diplomacy alone might now win back York. However, he had underestimated Aethelstan's resolve and his cunning. By the time his proposition of peace in exchange for York was made to the English, over a week had passed, and their reinforcements had arrived. Now, Aethelstan's army equalled the invaders in size, and he could make a true counteroffer: Olaf was to return home, pay for the damage caused by his army, and submit himself to English lordship. In other words, Aethelstan would offer nothing but battle. When this proposition reached the Vikings, one of Olaf's earls proclaimed Aethelstan's deceit, telling his king that the English were "tricksters" and that "we have sat here a long time and waited while they have gathered to them all their forces" (Green, 75). Realising he had been deceived, Olaf declared an end to negotiations and that his army would march to battle at dawn.
The Battle
On a crisp autumn morning, likely in October, the two great armies converged at Brunanburh to determine who would hold power in the north. From the Scottish chieftains of the far north to the pirates of the Irish Sea and the English lords in the south, warriors from all across the British Isles had answered the call to arms. We are not told how many fought on this day, though modern estimates suggest each side had between 5,000 and 10,000 soldiers, making this one of the largest battles of the Anglo-Saxon period (Downham, 120). The soldiers at Brunanburh were mostly armed with shields and spears or axes. Yet those amongst the elite warrior class would have been marked out by their swords, mail armour, and iron helmets, while those of lesser status settled for helmets and armour made of leather. As Aethelstan surveyed the battlefield, he saw a vast plain flanked by a river on its left and rising to higher ground on the right, flanked by a dense forest. He split the English army into two divisions, positioning himself on its left wing, facing Olaf's army alongside the river. To the right, the rest of the English army, led by the king's brother, Edmund, took on the Scots.
Olaf and Constantine made the first move, ordering their warriors to form a shield wall – locking their shields together, a row of soldiers created an almost unbreakable wall of wood and iron. The English raised their shields and strode forth, yelling their war cry, "Ut, ut!" ("Out, out!"), bidding their foes to flee. Then came the trading of missiles – arrows, javelins, and stones – before the two armies clashed. Such fights between shield walls often became shoving matches, each side striving to press back and overcome the other. Meanwhile, axemen hammered at their opponent's shields, and spearmen poked and stabbed through gaps in the wall.
With both sides so well-matched, the fight was unusually long-lasting. But, as the sun began to sink in the sky – according to a contemporary war poem, the Battle of Brunanburh – the English made a breakthrough as a section of the Viking shield wall collapsed. Whether unable to sustain frontline losses or due to fatigue or perhaps both, a part of their defences was bested and torn asunder. The Mercians poured through the breach, and as the poem exults, they "did not refuse hard battle-play to any warrior who, [came] with Olaf" (Livingston, 45). Now, a frenzied slaughter broke out as the shattered shield wall fell apart. Aethelstan fought bravely amongst the chaos, though according to a 12th-century legend, during the battle, his sword broke, leaving him defenceless. He was only saved by divine intervention, as another blade miraculously appeared in his scabbard, letting him fight on and lead his army to triumph.
As the Viking army began to disintegrate, Olaf escaped to the safety of his ships, leaving behind a dozen of his chief supporters, with the poet lamenting, "Five lay still on that battlefield – young kings by swords put to sleep – and seven of Olaf's earls" (Livingston, 45). Knowing there was no prospect of victory, the Scots retreated, too, chased from the battlefield by the West Saxons. Though Constantine safely escaped to the north, he suffered the devastating loss of his son, Prince Cellach.
Aethelstan, in contrast, had won his greatest victory. His foes were defeated, the northern alliance broken, and dominion over York and northern England was reasserted. Yet, victory was not without cost. His army was so diminished that he could not reaffirm power over Scotland. Moreover, like his rival warlords, Aethelstan had suffered many personal losses, including his cousins, Aelfwine and Aethelwine, who were honourably buried at Malmesbury Abbey, his favourite church.
Brunanburh's Location
The most intriguing legacy of Brunanburh is that its location remains a mystery. The war poem only tells us that the battle occurred "near Brunanburh" without explaining where it is located (Livingston, 41). With over 40 locations proposed so far – from the Scottish borders to Devon - the search to find Brunanburh has led to much debate, argument, and disagreement among archaeologists, historians, and linguists.
The first to provide a clue about Brunanburh's location was the 12th-century chronicler, John of Worcester, stating that Olaf "entered the mouth of the River Humber with a strong fleet" (Livingston, 57). According to Michael Wood, this suggests that Olaf landed on the banks of the Humber before marching south to battle Aethelstan in southern Yorkshire (149). Yet, critics of the Yorkshire location have cited many issues with this theory. Not least is the reliability of John of Worcester, writing almost two centuries after Brunanburh. The Humber landing, in their view, was John's creation, influenced by later Viking attacks that used the Humber, such as Harald Hardrada's invasion in 1066. Additionally, for Olaf to sail around northern Britain (from Dublin into the Humber) would be an impractical and dangerous journey, especially when a west coast landing was a short one-day trip from Dublin.
The practicality of a west coast landing has led most Brunanburh scholars to favour an alternative location: the Wirral Peninsula. Not only was the Wirral more accessible to the Dubliners and their other Irish Sea allies but also for the Scots and Strathclyde Britons, marching from their southern border in the Lake District. The Wirral was also a Viking enclave, with a local population likely to be sympathetic toward the invasion. However, perhaps its strongest argument is the Wirral town of Bromborough, which derives its name from the Old English ‘Brunanburh' and thus could be the location of the battle. However, there remains no evidence from medieval sources to confirm the Wirral location and no proof that Bromborough existed before the 12th century. Thus, this second battle for Brunanburh will continue to be fought.
Aftermath & Legacy
Aethelstan's victory secured the kingdom he had spent many years building, but his triumph was short-lived. He died just two years later, in 939, leaving the crown to his brother, Edmund (r. 939-946). In this moment of vulnerability, Olaf returned, seizing York and reigniting the fight for northern England. After his death in 941, York changed hands many times in the following years, passing between several Ivarid princes, English kings, and even a deposed Norwegian king, Erik Bloodaxe. York would eventually return to English hands in 954 when the northern English overthrew and killed Erik, then promptly submitted to the House of Wessex, allowing for the English kingdom's reunification and ending the fight for York.
By the late 10th century, Brunanburh was remembered simply as the "great war" (Livingston, 49). It was seen as an event of national unity. For the first time, the Mercians, West Saxons, and others who saw themselves as English stood as a united Christian people against "the barbarians" – as one chronicler called the invaders – and won their first great shared victory (Livingston, 49). What defeat would have meant for the English is uncertain. Would it have led to the decline of the West Saxons as Britain's dominant power? Or would Olaf have just taken York in 937 instead of 939? It is impossible to tell what impact such a great defeat would have had upon Aethelstan. His status and the kingship his successors inherited would undoubtedly have been much diminished, and they would have had to contend with a strong Norse-Scottish alliance halting future English advances in the north.
Even if, in the short term, Brunanburh had only preserved Aethelstan's kingdom for another two years, in the long term, such a triumph provided a model of warrior-kingship for the West Saxon kings, which demanded they fight for these northern lands as part of their royal inheritance.
